Gamergate’s Aggrieved Men Still Haunt the Internet

Ten years ago, a flood of gamers attacked developers Zoë Quinn and Brianna Wu and media critic Anita Sarkeesian. The three were part of a growing chorus of people calling for a more inclusive culture within video games. The attackers doxxed and harassed their targets, doing all they could to stifle the women’s efforts. The incident, which became known as Gamergate, illuminated the toxicity women faced in gaming spaces and beyond.

Eventually, the harassment faded from the news, but its residue was never fully removed from the internet and public life.

Gamergate articulated a particular kind of aggrieved masculinity, an anger at losing the power of being the target audience. Since 2014, it has shaped everything from the men's rights movement to the current iteration of the GOP, outlining what it means to be a man in certain corners of the internet.

In many ways, says Adrienne Massanari, an associate professor at American University’s school of communications, Gamergate presaged a broader reaction on the right toward real changes happening in American society. Former Donald Trump adviser Steve Bannon latched onto this in 2015, harnessing the power of committed online fandoms to bolster Trump’s campaign.

Within the community, Gamergate seemingly bifurcated men into distinct camps. Men who came to Sarkeesian’s defense, for example, were dubbed “white knights” and simps. Meanwhile, the people doing the harassing saw themselves as trying to protect the space from the “outside” influences of “social justice warriors,” who threatened to take away the elements that—they felt—made games fun.

“Even though we know that a bunch of people play games, [the men involved in Gamergate] saw themselves as being the target demographic for games. When that started to shift, the reaction was, of course, anger,” says Massanari. “Now that’s reflected, refracted, and amplified by Trumpism and that kind of far-right strain of Republicanism reacting to demographic and societal shifts toward a more egalitarian society.”

This same kind of anger and resistance can be seen now in figures like J.D. Vance and Elon Musk, who both decry “woke-ism” in politics and culture broadly. In interviews, Musk has said that he was motivated to purchase X, formerly Twitter, to fight the “woke mind virus” that he says is destroying civilization. The Heritage Foundation’s political road map Project 2025 repeatedly mentions “woke” progressivism as a threat that must be eliminated, particularly by doing away with diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives in government spaces.

This connection comes full circle in what’s become “Gamergate 2.0,” a backlash to inclusion efforts where “DEI” is now a catchphrase. Ten years ago, gamers pushed back against critics like Sarkeesian for pointing out that many female characters in games were nothing more than tropes. In 2024, the campaigns are against video game consulting companies such as Sweet Baby for performing what some gamers believe is “forced diversification.” No matter the rallying cry, the reason is the same: Being upset that the characters in video games no longer represent your interests.

While the politics of masculine grievance aren’t exactly new, says Patrick Rafail, professor of sociology at Tulane University, “the mainstreaming of it is.”

Although Gamergate came out of a relatively niche subculture, its elements can now be found in influencers like Andrew Tate who have popularized “these very simplistic, archetypal, stereotypical extremes” of masculinity, says Debbie Ging, professor of digital media and gender at Dublin City University. A new era of podcasting, coupled with a rise in short-form video platforms like TikTok, “which are heavily algorithm-driven,” have been significant drivers of this form of rhetoric, Ging says.

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Current influencers provide a sort of blueprint for a post-Gamergate masculinity, one that still contains some of the movement’s toxic ideas, repackaged to be more initially appealing. “These ‘manfluencers’ propagate a lot of the same kind of red-pill ideas, the same kind of theories from evolutionary psychology. But what they have kind of moved toward is a greater focus on financial advice, motivation, mental health,” Ging says. This kind of content is ultimately “focused on how to maintain your masculine status.”

The more mainstream topics peddled by these influencers—and a need for community—continue to pull young men in, says Andrew Reiner, a lecturer at Towson University and the author of Better Boys, Better Men: The New Masculinity That Creates Greater Courage and Emotional Resiliency.

“It's not like a lot of these guys start out on the far right saying, ‘All this has happened to me and these people on the left here are to blame,’” Reiner says. “It’s not that extreme. In the beginning, a lot of these guys are saying, ‘I’m struggling, I’m looking for support, and I don’t really know where to turn.’”

Part of that desire for community is what makes gaming or influencer fandom both deeply attractive and such a powerful breeding ground for groups that rely on masculine grievance. Male-dominated online communities, like gaming or right-wing spaces, can often be characterized by trash-talking and one-upmanship, “because that's the only way young men have been acculturated into being able to talk with their peers,” Massanari adds. That same behavior can easily spill over into harassment, partly because it’s about maintaining that masculine status.

As influencer culture and political culture become ever more intertwined, it should be no surprise that the desire to maintain masculine status—and anger at its decline—can be found in many of the ways the right codes itself. After the attempted assassination of Trump last month, a photo of the former president, fist in the air in front of an American flag, went viral. Even Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg called the moment “badass” in an interview with Bloomberg. Speaking at the National Conservatism Conference in June, author and professor David Azerrad called Trump “undeniably manly.”

And while politics and fandom have always had an overlap (e.g., Brat Summer), Massanari says Trump and the new right represent a whole different scale. “Gamergate was really focused on fandom communities,” says Massanari. “If you think about Trump, Trump is nothing if not a fandom community. When I watched any of the [Republican National Convention] stuff, I was struck by thinking, ‘All this could be like a bunch of Taylor Swift fans.’”

Jessica O’Donnell, author of Gamergate and Anti-Feminism in the Digital Age, warns that while the ideas of Gamergate may live on in the far right and the GOP, the aggressive, harassing fandom behaviors are not limited to a political party. As some online spaces, such as Reddit, have become more friendly to far-left politics, which can have its own form of aggressive promoters (see: dirtbag left), O’Donnell says Gamergaters have followed along.

“I think a lot of people who were involved in Gamergate, you see now having more of a sort of radical leftist kind of ideology, because they’ve seen that’s where they’re going to get more clout,” she says. “It’s more about picking the winning team, rather than the team to win.” In other words, Gamergate was the internet—and it’s everywhere now.

About Vittoria Elliott

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